Tolögu
di alam pemikiran Niha Raya
January 24.2021
Oleh: Marselino Fau
(https://iconnias.blogspot.com/2021/01/tologu-di-alam-pemiki..)
Tolögu in Niha Raya's Thought
Translated by Viaro, Mario Alain
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| Sedawa Mölö, Telögu and Tolögu |
Three scientists from different ages namely Schröder, Feldman and Viaro wrote the name of this sword as telögu. The question is whether the labeling with the name telögu is a typo or is it the real name? Among Nias people, tolögu is a familiar object in their life. It can be said that this object was an inseparable part of adult males, especially in South Nias (Niha Raya) until 1960. Where do they go, this object always “accompanies” them. Tolõgu is the name of a typical South Nias sword.
Starting from this question and due to the lack of adequate information about tolögu, I tried to review this tolögu from the perspective of Niha Raya based on my experience as a person who felt the nuances of life in the 70s era in Bawömataluo.
From 1970 to 1980 in Bawömataluo
The limitation of the 70s era here is important because the nuances of life at that time in Bawömataluo were a period of transition to the 80s where the influence of technology and openness began to influence the pattern of social life of the people. In Bawömataluo there was a very rapid change, especially in 1974 when a regular cruise ship brought foreign tourists to Bawömataluo. The tourists bought a lot of objects belonging to the residents at that time, such as statues, swords, necklaces of pig fangs, etc. Even the dollar currency was one of the mediums of exchange that could be used at that time apart from the rupiah.
In this 70s era, mystical things were still thick in people's lives at that time. Questions about the surrounding nature are always associated with mythology. For example, if there is a village that is on fire and then in the following nights in the sky there is a kind of red light flickering and moving (like airplane lights seen at night covered in clouds), the object is considered a ghost that causes fire. . In local designation this ghost is called "silataona". When someone saw "silataona" in the sky he would shout "silataona" and people who heard and saw the same thing would shout "ho ... ho ..." and all the villagers would shout the same thing. The goal is to embarrass the ghost. If this phenomenon now occurs, people will think of it as the lights of an airplane visible at night which are covered in clouds so that they appear to be flickering.
Or when a car overturned at the Mosiholidanö location around 1976, from the driver to the victims testifying that the incident was caused by a haunting spirit blocking the car. To exorcise the spirits, a ritual of feeding a cat is held which is believed to drive out the spirits so that they no longer harm people because the cat (mao) is identified with harimao (read famadaya harimao) which will drive out calamity and eat lumölumö. The definition of lumölumö here is not just a shadow but "depiction". As a representation of matter, the body in other words borrows material which is derived from "living humans" Schröder (1917).
From the two events above, it is illustrated in our minds that during that time the mystical nuances are still very much felt and even more so when we compare it to previous years where all the movements of the life of the people must always be connected with mystical forces.
Behind the name Tolögu contains meaning
Nias people call the name of their distinctive sword as tolögu. From existing records such as those written by Schröder, Feldman and Viaro, the name of this sword is written with the name telögu. The question becomes why one object can have different names, which one is tolögu or telögu? These two names alone have caused confusion, especially when we refer to a name as told by Saönigeho's grandson Ama Fima Fau to the author that in the past the name of this sword was often called Sedawa Mölö. With these different names, of course, it is even more confusing if there is no explanation.
So that we can understand why this sword has three names, let's first look at why it is called Sedawa Mölö as told by Ama Fima. In the following, I present the ancestral lineage in South Nias based on the version spoken in Bawömataluo as follows:
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| The lineage chart told in Bawömataluo and the pedigree written by Schröder (in black). |
The chart above provides information that Sedawa has a son named Famölö who is known as Mölö. Mölö has children named Fau, Takhi, Hondrö, Boto, Maha, Lalu and Zinö. The descendants of the Mölö children formed a group known as Ono Fau, Ono Takhi, Ono Hondrö, Ono Boto, Ono Maha, Ono Lalu and Ono Zinö, and today these names are known to be the main clans in the distribution of each derivative family. Referring to the above lineage, it can be seen that Sedawa and Mölö are the ancestors of the Nias people in the South.
For Nias people, ancestors are figures who bring blessings, look after and are always close to their children even though they have died. This can be seen how the Nias people treat their ancestors by making what is called adu zatua (ancestral statues) and placed on the altar called nahia nadu. This close relationship is expressed in a phrase "ha sadana gotaluada ira nuwuda" which means only a handful of distance from our ancestors. This very close relationship can also be seen when parents bless their children, they say "Ya'aoha gölögu khöu, ya'aoha gölö namagu khöu, ya'aoha gölö ninagu khöu ba ya'aoha gölö zisiwa götö niha khöu" means generosity my heart covers you, the generosity of my father covers you, the generosity of my mother covers you and the generosity of the ancestors (up to nine generations) covers your life.
The closeness of the relationship between the ancestors and generations by their descendants Mölö immortalized into the name of the sword which was originally called Sedawa Mölö. The giving of this name is intended so that their ancestors always accompany them wherever they go, whether it's in battle. They believe and believe that the ancestral spirit is attached to the sword, therefore this sword is always carried when traveling and they treat the sword with great respect which is called la'amoni'ö.
The term Sedawa Mölö can be said to be unpopular due to the "breaking" of emotional ties with his ancestors. When religion entered Nias Island, respect for ancestors in the manifestation of fighting substances and the cult of ancestors in the form of objects was considered as idols so that there was a movement to throw away idols from the local culture. Another reason for the unpopularity of Sedawa Mölö is that the addition of the surname behind a person's name causes a feeling that I am not part of Mölö's descent, so that an in-group-out group feeling is formed which culminates in the formation of a gana group in every banua. In fact, if traced further, they all come from the same family. When the Dutch came to power on Nias Island, the Dutch government at that time obliged the use of mado (marga) and öri (wilayah) for purposes of control and were compartmentalized in nature so that it greatly strengthened group cohesiveness.
Unlike the case with Ama Fima (one of Jerome Feldman's informants in 1974) Jerome Feldman in his 1977 dissertation gave information that Ama Fima's sword was called telögu not as tolögu. Even some time ago on Prof. fecebook page. Jerome Feldman still uses the term telögu for the sword.
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Likewise, Viaro uses the name telögu to describe Nisa's signature sword, the headhunters'
ceremonial saber (telogu, balatu sebua)
has a longer, and in rare cases, wider blade than the domestic knives.
One explanation is why the name of this sword is called telögu, according to Schröder (1917), the term telögu refers to the name of the ancestor of the Nias people in the South. He wrote that Telögu was the son of Lowalani who was sent down from heaven to earth and that the name Telögu was used as the name of the sword.
Johannes M. Hämmerle (1990) gives a footnote about the name telögu in his book Omo Sebua that Sadawa Mölö is the same as Telögu. This explanation was obtained from an informant hoho from Hilinawalö Fau, namely Ama Sama Bu'ulolo who spoke about Inada Simadulo Hösi. Telögu is the name of the ancestor of the Nias people called Sitelögu ba luaha, and as is the custom of the Nias people the name of the ancestor is always used by their descendants. Traces of the use of the name ba luaha can be found in the name of Takhi's descendants, Sakao ba luaha.
Both the accounts of Ama Fima and those written by Feldman, Johannes Hammerle and Schröder, give the same explanation that the typical Nias sword known as tolögu is the name of the ancestor of the people of South Nias which is used as the name of the sword. So that we can understand why the Nias people give special treatment (la'amoni'ö sibai) to this sword, because they believe this sword is a representation of their ancestors. Therefore, the ancestral sword is not an object that can be released from its owner (read by his descendants) or to be traded. Buying and selling heirloom swords is the same as cutting ties with ancestors that can bring dishonesty into his life. Because when this sword was made, the owner had “brought” magical power to it to protect the owner. Even now, we find that many tolögu can be bought and sold, it is solely because it is a souvenir or souvenir and the people are already religious.
Viaro quoted Modigliani (1890) who said that “They consider it a misfortune to lose their idol and amulets, because they believe in the revenge of their parents whose heads have been beheaded and are afraid of evil spirits summoned by the victims thus leading them to death ”.
As time went on and the spread of missionary work on Nias Island, as well as a flood of foreign tourists since 1974, matters relating to the magical world began to be abandoned by Nias people. Since then, many heirlooms have been targeted by collectors, including the tolögu sword, which has been sold and bought.
Below I use the tolögu photo as an illustration. I give the names Tolögu Lawazihonö and Sedawa Laowö as a sign of respect for the ancestors of the first generation of Bawömataluo (see pedigree chart), the intention is to honor and remember ancestors. As a Nias person, I believe that the inner relationship with the ancestors will be maintained if the generation keeps and preserves the culture of the ancestors as implied in the proverb below:
Nalö tegilo gafore If it doesn't change the size afore
Nalö maulö dumba akhe If
it doesn't change the size of the tumba akhe
Gane ba mbanua ba Laraga In
the country of Laraga
Gane ba mbanua ba Doene In
the land of Doene
Ahuwa-huwa zimatua The
age of the men is turning gray
Atua-seni zialawe The
age of the women is as old as possible.
(Fanadrö howu-howu ba ndraono khö substancesua meföna) (Prayers asking for blessings for old parents)
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| Illustration “Sedawa Laowö” and “Tolögu Lawazihönö” Owner : Marselino Fau. |
Now the question is why the name Tolögu is more popular than Telögu. One reason for this is that the Nias language changes frequently due to pronunciation. For example, töla gaza becomes töla zaga, mania mölö becomes maenamölö, etc. According to Prof. Alo Liliweri “Language reflects people's culture, and culture influences people's thinking and beliefs of a nation. The reality is, language reflects a cultural focus ”. So in the context of changing the name from Sedawa Mölö (Telögu) to tolögu above has influenced our thinking and beliefs about one cultural entity.
The parts of Tolögu and their meanings
Once we understand the origin of the name tolögu, the meaning will be clearer if we pay attention to the sections of tolögu below.
Tolögu in general can be divided into two parts, namely ösi dolögu which means the contents of the sword and sömbu or saembu which means sheath. These two components are ösi dolögu symbolizing masculinity while sömbu or saembu symbolizing femininity. In detail, ösi dolögu consists of ösi mbalatu, namely a sword blade made of iron, ndrana niobagi lasara or sobawa lawölö made of iron wood such as manawadanö and berua; and a kind of siano ring made of white brass or iron.
While the sömbu consists of two wooden slats with berua and at one end of the blade slightly protruding which is called a hagu. The two planks of wood are tied together with a traditional woven cloth from the tanaya'ö or made of white brass and iron rings. On the hagu, rago is installed, which is a circle woven from rattan, sometimes from animal skulls such as moyet or leopard skulls and around rago are tied with various kinds of fangs such as tigers, crocodiles, bears, pigs and wild boar or tiger nails etc.
The uniqueness of this sword can be seen in the blade made of iron and the handle is carved called the niobagi lasara or niobawa lawölö with a monkey on it. In the belief of the Nias people, lasara or lawölö and ba'e (monkey) are creatures that protect humans from disasters or dispel all forms of calamity. The existence of lawölö and ba'e can be seen at the main gate in Bawömataluo, namely bawagöli raya there is lawölö and at bawagöli löu there is ba'e.
Illustration:
Ba'e (monkey) statue at the main gate (bawagöli löu) in Bawömataluo. On the left is a female monkey with cubs and on the right a male monkey eating corn. Photo of Oktavianus Fau, 22 January 2021.
Nias people believe in ba'e as a representation of bekhu zökha who can eat lumölumö. People who are sick are often associated because their lumölumö have been eaten or disturbed by spirits. So the placement of ba'e (moyet) statues on the left and right of the main gate in Bawömataluo aims to protect the banua from evil spirits and from people who want to do evil.
Likewise, the ba'e (moyet) carving on the handle of the tolögu above the head of the niobagi lasara aims to protect the owner from attacks by evil spirits or from people with evil intentions because ba'e will eat lumölumö. As stated by Modigliani (1890) quoted by Viaro (2001) that "the monkey symbolizes the bechu zöcha, a spirit that hunts and eats human shadows, just as humans eat pigs".
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| Illustration: sculpture of a monkey in the Nifolasara house in Bawõmataluo |
So it is not surprising that in noble houses we see carvings of monkeys that are believed to protect their inhabitants from evil spirits and from people who want to do evil. As can be seen at Omo Nifolasara in Bawömataluo.
Between the handle and the blade there is a round part, called the siaono, which is made of brass or white iron which functions to strengthen the connection. In order for the blade and the handle to stick together, furö'ö which is made from a mixture of grain with the so-called tai ndrumi is a liquid that is believed to be the result of natural processes when the rainbow (ndrumi) is seen. Usually attached to a tree trunk then taken and mixed with grain in one bamboo segment.
In Bawõmataluo, to test the sharpness of the sword, the blade was plated by blacksmiths with a rainbow pattern called ni'ondrumi. However, if this sword is used for war purposes, the sword is sharpened in a special place, namely in the sands of the Sihombo ba Helebambõwõ and after that the la'oerei (dimantra) is then tested for its sharpness on the akhe stem which has been wrapped in banana stems (informant Ama Luther Nehe, a tolögu expert, May 2020). The entire portion of the sword, starting from the hilt and blade, is called ösi dolögu.
Gilding tolögu with a ni'ondrumi style and the use of the tai ndrumi element in furö'ö is not without reason. In the belief of the Nias people, a very evil spirit is nadoya, which usually roams when it is drizzling. When a rainbow (ndrumi) appears during a light rain, it is considered a nadoya trap to catch humans. Therefore, both small children and adults are always reminded to avoid playing activities or going to gardening because they can get sick (tesafo). To deceive the nadoya, the tolögu sword is plated with a rainbow pattern (ni'ondrumi) and uses tai ndrumi as a mixture of hilt adhesive with the blade of the sword to protect the owner of the sword from the nadoya's traps.
If someone is sick (tesafo) due to playing in a light rain so that he has a fever or passes through a place considered to have residents, he is treated by using water mixed with rusty swords or knives and pieces of roof legs and coconut shell charcoal then the water is rubbed on all over the body that is sick and while pronounced the following mantra:
Afuru mbalatu mbekhu Dull the ghost sword
Afuru
mbalatu gafökha Blunt demonic sword
Afuru
mbalatu nadoya Blunt nadoyo sword
Mosöfu
idanö gahe zagö Sharper water feet
roof
Mosöfu
idanö defahö More sharp water iron sword
My childhood experience of more than five times experiencing Tesafo disease proves that this spell is effective for healing when my grandmother applies the water while chanting the incantations. This shows that the sword or knife is the antithesis of bekhu, afökha and nadoya.
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Seen from the shape of the blade, we can distinguish which swords are commonly used in warfare and which swords are commonly used for party celebrations or traveling. The sword commonly used in warfare has two eyes, one long and one short. The short side of the blade is called ikhu, while the long blade is called tak, so there is a term where mbawa is where nikhu means to cut through an ikhu to stab. (informant Ama Haja is an expert on tolögu in Bawömataluo, son of Samalo'o tefaö, a blacksmith).
Pay attention to the sword this Bawömataluo warrior is holding. This sword model is now almost out of production because the culture of warfare has ceased to exist. The current sword is used only for ceremonial events.
The tolögu sheath (fourreau, gaine), called sömbu or saembu, is made of two wooden slats tied together with a nuansa (woven ring) or made of brass or white iron plates. On one of the scabbard blades there is a sticky wood compound with the blade of the sheath which is called the hagu. In this part of the sheath, there is a circle of rattan called rago which is tied around it, such as tigers, crocodiles, bears, pigs and wild boar fangs, etc. Sometimes a statue is tied in a rago called a nuwu (ancestor)statue. This rago is believed to have magical powers that can provide energy to its owner. These fangs are believed to function as a magnetic force whereby the "spirits" coalesce into a round rago.
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Illustration: “Tolögu Lawazihönö" and its parts with the unique rago made of a leopard skull. |
Prof. Viaro in the Ceremonial Sabres of Nias Headhunters in Indonesia article said that the scabbards belonging to tribal leaders and aristocrats in South Nias supported a rattan ball (rago iföboaya) on which different types of amulets were attached, such as wild boar or pig teeth, fossil fish teeth. , called tiger teeth, striped cloth (usually red, the color of the nobility), small statues (adu nori), and other symbolic objects associated with the power of the niha (human). They believed that the talisman gave strength and protection against the enemy (Horner 1840: 346; von Rosenberg 1878; Raap 1903: 172; Holt 1939). These long knives, indicating the rank of their owner, were usually kept in a chest hidden in the house and only displayed at parties (Schröder 1917: 240).
In addition, according to him, when Kleiweg de Zwaan (1930), visiting the island of Nias at the beginning of the 20th century, said that "in parties and wars, men wear short swords whose scabbards we often find attached to a small basket, on which are tied a series of objects "small objects such as rocks of different shapes, shells, pig teeth, tiger claws imported from Sumatra, and most often, small wooden statues. These are all amulets that make warriors believe they are invincible." In Bawömataluo there is a verse of hoho fadölihia (folklore) which reads as follows:
Ono matu fotuwusö ae hija ho he…. A brave young man ae hija ho he….
Famolagene yaugö ae hija ho he…. Pinned the lagene on you ae hija ho he….
This lagene was
usually attached to the hat and rago
tolögu of warriors. Lagene is a
plant that is considered as a nadoya
headdress. So Schröder's use of lagene
as camouflage to babble on Nadayo as
if the person wearing lagene is the
same as him.
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| Illustrations : A young Si'ulu met missionaries named Thomas and Lagemann with a background of Denninger ship (Bieger, 1918) |
The fangs of the rago
are of great importance. As important as these tusks are, there is an incident
that occurred in 1883 which Thomas and Lagemann, missionaries working in South
Nias, told about this. Two sons of Si'ulu Helabadanö, aged between 25 and 18
years, came to Thomas. They wanted to spend the night on the
"Denninger", they said, "We want to talk to the crew about
purchasing 2,000 coconuts." Thomas agreed, and after the two young men had
dinner at the mission home, they left at 8 o'clock in the dark toward the
beach.
When the boat they were in tilted and hit the "Denninger", they fell and sank. The next day his brother, armed with rifles and swords, accompanied by several soldiers, came to Thomas. He said to Thomas: “I'm not satisfied. There is no box and knife sheath which according to Nias custom there must be a small basket; and the crocodile's teeth were missing. " In this basket there are all kinds of items, also known as little porcelain dolls from Europe, which serve to give the sword an unusual power, as well as to cause and repel rain. Leaning on his rifle in front of the missionaries, Si'ulu Helabadanõ said with a grim face, "Where are the crocodile teeth?" (Bieger, 1918).
From the above events we get an explanation of how
important the fangs and sword rago were
for the Nias people at that time in the South who were believed to bring
magical powers.
Illustrations Helabadanö stuck spear into the sand with hand gripping the top end, and stared at his old son died (Bieger 1918).
Lasara, Lawölö, Harimao and Saembu
In Bawömataluo there are three forms of mythological beasts, namely lasara, lawölö and harimao.
Lasara is a kind of hybrid beast like a dragon. The lasara statue is usually made of faebu wood which is attached to the front of the main noble house, while in Bawömataluo it is installed in Laowö's house called Omo Nifolasara.
Illustrations.
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| Lasara in Saönigeho's coffin in Bawömataluo |
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| One of the lasara at Laowö's house in Bawömataluo |
It is also attached to the coffin of si'ulu sima'awali (full nobility) as we can see in the tomb of Saönigeho son of Laowö, and on the coffin of balö niha (the main leader of ordinary society), and the last balö niha who used this in Bawömataluo is Amada Harimao.
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| The Lawölö statue in front of South gate of Bawömataluo |
Lawölö is a statue of a hybrid animal made of a stone like a
snake and placed at gates (bawagöli)
and is usually considered another form of lasara.
The difference between these two mythological animal forms is followed by the
scope of their function.
Lasara functions to protect the house owner from devastating spirits and as a place to stay for Lowalani, while lawölö is believed to be the guardian of banua from all threats and asks for protection when going to war and the head that has been beheaded laolobigö khö lawölö. Schröder writes that in Bawömataluo there is a lasara niobawa lawölö, but lasara is only found at home, while lawölo is at the end of the village (ba tak göli and ba wanai binu).
Harimao is a tiger statue made of wood (unlike the usual tiger) and is sometimes also called fighting lawölö which is used at 7 yearly parties, after the ceremony of parading the statue of harimao (famadaya harimao) for five days and the peak of the celebration is called mamatö harimao, which is breaking or throwing away statues of harimao to the Zumali river in Onohondrö banua, aiming as hõli-hõli Niha (human ransom) so as not to get sick or avoid calamities and hõli-hõli banua so that the country becomes prosperous (livestock reproduce and the plants produce lots of fruit) and avoid fires.
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| This tiger's statue made in 1980 to welcomed Indonesian Vice President, Adam Malik when he was visited Bawömataluo. (Museum Pusaka Nias) |
From the information above regarding the beliefs of our
ancestors in Nias, especially in Bawömataluo and Schröder's notes, we can see
its manifestation in the sword tolögu.
The handle of the tolögu sword, often
called the niobagi lasara or niobawa lawölö, is believed to exist to
protect its owner from all threats and dangers. In addition, both the handle
and the scabbard always use the main ingredients, namely wood beruwa and manawadaö which are believed to grow from the heart of the harimao as written by Schröder to ward
off evil spirits.
Then what is the relationship with Famadaya Harimao and Famadaya Saembu? Famadaya harimao and famadaya saembu are 7-yearly festivals held by all descendants of Mölö, namely parties "for reconciliation and harmony". Famadaya harimao is the concept of masculinity and famadaya saembu is a celebration of female statues as a symbol of femininity. This concept was adopted in the tolögu sword, the goal is that the ancestors always protect, guard so that their descendants live in harmony.
Seeing that the forms of lasara, lawolo and harimao are components of tolögu, it signifies a masculine symbol and sömbu or saembu (sarong) and rago symbolizes femininity, which both complement each other.
The combination of the shape of the handle made of a lasara head with a sarong and a rogo, representing famadaya harimao and famadaya saembu. If tolõgu is understood in famatõ harimao and famadaya saembu, then this thing is not just an ordinary weapon but becomes an object that has a "soul" that lives in matter. Borrowing Aristotle's term there is a form (the content of his soul) in matter (outward form). Therefore understanding tolögu means understanding the concept of the soul of the Nias people, especially South Nias. Because tolögu is a living soul or spirit, the identity of the Nias people from the South.
Furthermore, from the meaning of the word, tolögu can be interpreted face down (lying down with the chest facing down). Look at the shape of this sword.
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| Illustrstion :“Sedawa Laowö” with its parts is in downward position (tolögu) |
In addition, the meaning of the word tolögu can also mean ready to die (matolögu khönia danö). This meaning will be very clear in the case
when someone is angry and carries a tolögu sword, then the wise people will
advise him "heugö ndrana"
means only the handle is shaken, do not remove it from the sheath. If the tolögu has been removed, there are
consequences that must be borne, the sword must eat the victim, because
otherwise, it will cause disgrace to the owner, become an object of gossip and
laughter.
A sword that has been drawn is never to be put in a scabbard if it does not take a victim because the act of pulling out the sword when angry means "proclaiming" himself as a man who is ready to die as has been described above, that "osi dolögu" represents masculinity. By drawing the sword in an angry situation means that he has conveyed a message to those who saw him, I will kill my enemy. There is no Nias man who goes headhunting and fighting without carrying the head of his enemy because it is a disgrace for life.
In Bawömataluo there is one megalith which shows that tolögu is very meaningful for regulating the behavior of the people. Both Laowö and his son Saönigeho always hang a sword (saita tolögu) on this stone (see photo below) as a warning when an ono mbanua nia (his people) is fighting. So important is harmony and introspection in social life that the tolögu sword is used to calm those who are at odds. Tolögu is a material that has a "soul" capable of transferring tranquility energy to a soul that is in turmoil.
Illusttration: Photo of the tolögu (saita tolögu) hanger before it breaks. A photo of the broken tolögu (saita tolögu) hanger
Hope and Conclusion
Through this description, hopefully we can open horizons
about an heirloom object as our cultural wealth and understand more about the
meaning behind this sword for Nias people. Both Sedawa Mölö, Telögu and Tolögu represent the ancestors of the Nias
people who must be respected (la'amoni'ö)
which contains messages to be more introspective, no longer in the concept of
believing in magical powers as before. Tolögu is "a soul that must be
guarded and respected and remain introspective". Tolögu is like the soul mate of the owner, says Ama Tia,
Saönigeho's grandson.
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| The author's expression about tolögu in verse, 8 June 2017 |
References :
Biege, J. N, 1918 De Zendingsklok een verhaal uit den zendingsarbeid op Nias, Zendingsbureau
Feldman, Jerome Allen, 1977, The Architecture of Nias, Indonesia With Special Reference To Bawömataluo Village, Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Philosophy Columbia University.
Hämmerle, Johannes M, 1990, Omo Sebua, Nias Heritage
Foundation.
Hämmerle, Johannes M, 1986, Famatö Harimao, Abidin
Medan.
Liliwei, Alo, 2014, Cultural Studies Advisor, Bandung -Nusa Media
Sarwono, S. W, 1999, Individual Social Psychology and Social Psychological Theories, Balai Pustaka
Schröder, E.E.W, 1917, Nias, Ethnographische, Geographische en Historische Aanteekeningen en Studien, E. J. Brill, Leiden.
Viaro, Mario Alain. Ceremonial Sabers of Nias Headhunters in Indonesia. Arts et cultures, 2001, vol 3, p. 150-171
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